Tamil Nadu state assembly elections 2021 saw many twists and turns such as flip-flop entry and exit of actor Rajinikanth, AIADMK rival faction leader ‘Chinnamma’ Sasikala etc to difficult seat sharing talks that came close to verge of collapse of long time allies. Finally it settled as usual face-off between two major Dravidian parties. There are smaller third and fourth fronts too. One led by TTV Dinakaran’s AMMK, a rival faction of AIADMK and other led by actor Kamal Hassan’s Makkal Neethi Mayyam (MNM).
Previous elections, AIADMK under Jayalalithaa narrowly escaped defeat as then newly created third front played a spoiler role in defeat of DMK. This time, most of the parties that formed third front, joined DMK camp such as MDMK, VCK, CPI, CPIM etc.
Out of total 234 seats, DMK contesting in 173 seats. Congress is contesting in 25 seats (Its lowest seat share in decades). CPI, CPIM, VCK and MDMK contest in 6 seats each. IUML and Dr.Jawahirullah’s MMK contest in 3 and 2 seats respectively. ‘Gounder’ caste (dominant caste in western districts) party KDMK led by Easwaran is contesting in 3 seats. Four other small parties also contesting in one seat each.
Symbol becomes a dilemma for growing parties whether to work independently in assembly by winning under independent symbol or improving winning factor through recognised party symbols. Previous elections, DMK allies contesting under independent symbol lost all seats whereas small parties of AIADMK allies contesting under AIADMK symbol “two leaves” won three seats. This time, except national parties (Congress, CPI, CPIM, IUML) and VCK all chose to contest under DMK symbol “rising sun”. It is a bold decision of VCK to contest under independent symbol with huge risks. Dr.Jawahirullah insisted on contesting under independent symbol but gave up at last minute before nomination.
There were fierce contest on seat share allocation that DMK reportedly started seat bargaining with low offering of 12 -15 seats for Congress, 2-3 seats for other parties whereas Congress does not want to settle anything below 30 seats and four parties contesting on 6 seats demanded minimum 12 seats each. IUML and MMK accepted the deal on first day saying it compromised seats for the larger cause of defeating BJP. Previous elections, both parties got 5 seats each in which IUML won one seat and MMK drew blank. For other parties, it took four five days and multiple rounds on talks to finalise deal. It created a huge fuss and media speculation that talks may collapse as Kamal Hassan led MNM openly invited these parties for alliance.
DMK candidates selection and seat selection appeared to be less risk taken where stalwarts given their usual stronghold regions. There were few new faces and DMK is aiming for winning at best striking rate say above 90 percent winning of candidates.
DMK with ambitious aim of defeating AIADMK’s heavy weights, faces off against all powerful SP Velumani at Thondamuthur constituency (Coimbatore) has become one of the most watched out constituency in this elections. DMK put up its newly inducted economic wing secretary Karthikeya Senapathy to contest against SP Velumani. SP velumani facing numerous corruption allegations, has skilfully crafted a larger than life goodwill image through extensive PR rapport (and brutal suppression of dissent with well oiled up bureaucracy and police machinery) cutting across caste/religious barrier. It has significant Muslim community votes and SP velumani has built good rapport with Muslim Community too. Karthikeya Senathipathi being outsider has bravely put up a strong challenge against all odds.
As Congress poor winning strike rate costs DMK victory in previous elections winning only 9 seats out of the 41 seats it contested, DMK tried its best to restrict seat sharing with Congress. With never ending factionalism, Congress remains a party of winning on the back of DMK and religious minorities votes. Out of the 25 seats, it is contesting, it has many seats with significant minorities vote share. Thus it is expected to win at good strike rate winning 16-20 seats out of 25 and not below anything 12.
MDMK contesting under DMK symbol, CPI, CPIM taking their favourable seats similarly expected to win around at least 50 percent of the seats contesting. Strong cadre based VCK with unsatisfactory allotment of seats determined to win all the six seats it is contesting including one face-off against its arch rival PMK. Winning under independent symbol becomes a challenging act for VCK. IUML and MMK are contesting against AIADMK in all five seats it is contesting. It is expected to win one seat minimum and maximum of 4 seats combined.
AIADMK camp consists of NDA partners such as BJP, PMK, TMC and some small parties. Its major partners DMDK led by actor turned politician Vijayakanth, actor Sarathkumar’s SMK, Puthiya Tamizhagam led by Dr. Krishnaswamy have left the alliance.
Out of total 234 seats, AIADMK is contesting in 179 seats. PMK which till last election claimed to be alternative party to Dravidian parties settled for 23 seats. BJP with two percent vote share is contesting in 20 seats. Congress Breakaway faction TMC settled for 6 seats. Six other smaller parties are contesting in one seat each.
AIADMK’s only strength is its continued shared leadership of O.Panneer Selvam (OPS) and Edapadi. Pazhanisamy (EPS). Then of course, its alliance with Dr.Ramadoss’ Pattali Makkal Katchi, a Vanniyar caste based party concentrated in northern districts. PMK has a proven vote share of 5-7% and competitive on its own at Vanniayar castes concentrated rural areas. Thus combined vote share could help AIADMK to prevent complete defeat. Days before alliance, AIADMK passed a resolution providing 10.5 % internal quota (a long time demand of Vanniyar caste group) within MBC reservation of 20 percent drawing outrage from other MBC castes that without increasing overall MBC reservation a separate reservation would greatly reduces reservation window of hundreds of other MBC caste groups.
AIADMK hasn’t lost its grip on Western Tamil Nadu, its strong hold region for past twenty years. With alliance of PMK which has strong hold over northern districts of Tamil Nadu and BJP which has maintained communal tensions in districts of Coimbatore and Tirupur, AIADMK is expected to put up decent defend in these regions despite strong anti incumbency.
Disadvantage for AIADMK is TTV dinakaran factor in south and MBC reservation fiasco angering communities in southern districts. Thus it is expected to face a rout in southern districts which are considered as strong hold regions of ADMK.
Liability of BJP and triple anti incumbency,
2019 Parliament election greatly reduced the vote share of AIADMK that hasn’t improved much since then rather become worse with poor governance of BJP. BJP couldn’t bring any advantage to AIADMK camp except for consolidating Hindu vote bank in few constituencies which is not so significant as 2019 election results say. With insensitive poor or no economic package for severe pandemic lockdown amid complete economic collapse, BJP earned huge anti incumbency in Tamil Nadu. Unlike other states, Tamil Nadu unanimously opposed BJP’s economic disaster policies such as Demonetisation, GST reforms etc. Also BJP has a poor record or bias of relief response to natural disasters in Tamil Nadu, Pandemic brutal governance added one more indelible scar on Tamil Nadu. Apart from this, almost all major mass movement happened in Tamil Nadu which garnered unanimous support from political parties (including all NDA partners in Tamil Nadu) and civil society such as NEET exam, New Education Policy, Salem Highway Project and many other environmentally disaster projects, BJP notoriously opposed all movements calling the protests as ‘motivated’ and ‘anti-nationals’ enraging larger public. If all these acts are not enough, BJP’s audacious exploitative taxes on petrol-diesel at election time has put anti incumbency at peak that even BJP local units refrain from asking votes in the name of BJP governance but on AIADMK’s name and anti-DMK campaign. It should be noted that BJP highest proven vote share is around three percent whereas it could negatively affects AIADMK’s vote share at least double of BJP’s incoming vote share especially religious minorities’ votes.
Both AIADMK and DMK find oscillating religious minorities vote share as winning factor in many constituencies. Even though DMK gets major chunk, no party afford to lose complete vote share of minorities’ votes. Muslims and Christian communities combined together make up 12 – 14 percent population but spread all over Tamil Nadu especially Muslim communities. Thus, BJP become a huge liability to AIADMK camp by becoming hurdle to ADMK’s minorities vote share.
Apart from BJP’s anti-incumbency, State government too shares fair amount of anti incumbency. Except for Three Language policy of NEP, AIADMK maintained deafening silence over almost all anti-people policies of BJP even contradicting its own party positions inviting wrath of Public. People hasn’t forget blatant shrug off attitude of EPS over Tuticorin sterilite massacre. Third anti incumbency would be inactive MLAs unable to solve basic necessities of constituencies. AIADMK is at its weakest period that apart from triple anti-incumbency it also faces leadership tussle between Chief Minister Edapadi Pazhanisamy known as EPS belonging to Gounder caste (concentrated in Western districts) and Deputy Chief Minister O.Panneer Selvam known as OPS who did rebellion against Sasikala both belonging to Thevar Caste (concentrated in Southern Districts). EPS and OPS settled for peace to counter the threat of TTV Dinakaran/Sasikala faction and successfully running the party under leadership sharing arrangements. Yet all these temporary arrangements couldn’t curtain competition between them. There have been rumours that OPS and Sasikala made secret peace to oust their common rival EPS from party. It should be noted that both BJP and Sasikala openly called for uniting all factions for election which has been fiercely opposed by EPS faction but not so by OPS faction. Sasikala declaration of rest from active politics at last moment is seen as master stroke strategy so as to escape being blamed for upcoming defeat of AIADMK. Also after election debacle, it would bring a good case for Sasikala to take charge of ADMK and to remove incompetent EPS. With departure of Jayalalithaa, AIADMK could not stop competition and rivalry among local factions thus leaving disoriented local units.
BJP’s winning possibilities
Though BJP has less vote share, it has concentrated its work around selected few pockets such as urban areas and areas of minorities’ concentrated-communal tension regions such as Kanniyakumari, Coimbatore etc. Out of 20 seats it is contesting, 10-12 seats have significant minorities’ vote share. Though BJP faces drawbacks such as poor coordination from AIADMK local unit, high anti incumbency etc it could pull off surprise win at two to three seats. It all depends on sharing of AIADMK vote bank to BJP which is unpredictable.
Coimbatore South is the most expected seat for BJP. Its candidate secured decent 30,000 votes at last assembly election contrary to very poor votes in other seats. It is also a strong hold seat of its partner AIADMK and weak area for DMK alliance. But with arrival of Kamal Hassan, it has added surprise element into this constituency and has become most watched out constituency of Tamil Nadu election.
AMMK- Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam
AMMK alliance led by TTV Dinakaran includes Vijayakanth’s DMDK, SDPI, AIMIM and four other smaller outfits. AMMK vote share is considered to be 5-7 percent and little higher in southern districts which has concentration of Thevar castes. During AIADMK faction crisis, TTV Dinakaran appeared as possible heir of AIADMK by taking anti-BJP stance contrasting with pro-BJP stance of other AIADMK faction. In recent years, both TTV and BJP toned down criticism of each other and TTV indicated his willingness to join AIADMK-BJP alliance to defeat arch rival DMK. Though it indicates role of BJP’s B team, supporters of TTV consider that this is the right stance which helps divide and split NDA votes.
AMMK winning chances
Except TTV dinakaran who is contesting in Kovilpatti constituency against AIADMK heavy weight Kadambur Raaju, AMMK lacks star candidates who can translate its vote share to winning seats. But AMMK could play spoiling role in many seats.
Actor Vijaykanth’s DMDK once emerged as strong contender to challenge two Dravidian parties threatening traditional two way fights (it even acquired earned the status of Opposition party ) gaining 10 percent vote share at its peak has been gradually reduced to party of irrelevance with no sign of recovery of its lost vote share and image. Its latest vote share would be around two to three percent with no stronghold in any region.
SDPI faces strong contenders of DMK and AIADMK in all the six seats it is contesting. It tried to seal alliance with DMK but with no success. Out of six seats, SDPI is confident of winning Palayamkottai constituency where its state leader ‘Nellai’ Mubarak contesting. Palayamkottai Constituency has a significant Muslim Community vote share which determines winning of the seat. It has been held by DMK’s minority wing leader Maideen Khan for past twenty years with poor development record and has been replaced by new candidate. Thus, the constituency faces local anti incumbency which SDPI is planning to work in its favour. SDPI decision to contest under popularized AMMK independent symbol is added advantage to it. But it is not easier to wrestle large chunk of minorities’ votes from DMK.
AIMIM which is new to Tamil Nadu has backing of section of Urdu Muslims in Vellore district. Its state leader Vakeel Ahmed who contested in Vaaniyampadi constituency, secured 10,000 votes in last assembly election. This time he is contesting again from Vaaniyampadi against IUML and AIADMK. Thus votes of AIMIM directly affect winning prospect of IUML in this constituency.
MNM- Makkal Neethi Mayyam
Actor Kamal Hassan founded MNM which claims itself as alternative to Dravidian rule hasn’t offered anything except rhetoric against corruption (recently its party secretary arrested over crores of Tax Evasion). As its celebrated youth candidate making hatred comments against reservations, MNM revealed itself as a party of gated elite community and apolitical youths whose entire interest in politics comes down to one issue, corruption. It is nowhere to be seen in ground on any issues concerning people rather true to its nature of elitism the maximum politics, MNM done so far is its leader tweeting in complicated language. The very naming “centrist” itself exposes its hollowness as if brutal social hierarchical exploitative system plaguing this society is due to supposed political division of right and left political parties which require centrism to bring everyone on board.
MNM is critiqued as BJP’s B team not because of its timing of the launch where hyped up “political vacuum in TN” ran high on national media and Sangh parivar mouth pieces rather for its very politics of corruption rhetoric overshadowing social justice discourse of Tamil Nadu. This rhetoric appeals to a particular voter groups which can be characterized as anti Dravidian, anti reservation and disillusioned with development rhetoric of BJP. It is an oscillating temporary voter base whose tryst with MNM would fade away as quickly as its vice president ditching MNM to BJP over farm laws. This politics of centrism/issue based politics or to put it more precisely popularity based politics is dangerous that it defeats any meaningful resistance built by Tamil Nadu against fascist government policies/projects. Even on the issue of much hated NEET exam, MNM came up with manifesto replacing NEET with state level exam shows its side of politics.
Vote share and winning possibilities
MNM secured 3 percent vote share in its debut 2019 general elections which is far lower to actor Vijayakanth’ debut election vote share of 8 percent. MNM vote share is neither even. Its votes came mainly from urban areas and haven’t penetrated rural areas. It secured 6-10 percent in selected urban seats such as Coimbatore, Chennai etc and party vice president secured nearly 1,45,000 votes in Coimbatore constituency which is 11 percentage of total votes. Its leader/founder Kamal Hassan contesting in Coimbatore South, known for communal tension and considered as BJP stronghold region. He is pitted against BJP’s Vaanathi Srinivasan and Congress’ Mayura Jayakumar. MNM’s failure to strike a chord reflected in its desperate attempt to woo almost all political parties including Congress with offering of huge number of seats but succeeded in pulling only two small parties from opposition camp. It surprised everyone by allotting huge 40 seats each to two small parties one of which returned 7 seats due to lack of candidates to contest.
Despite low vote share, MNM could pull off surprise win at 2-3 urban seats in case of four way contest which reduces winning margin.
Though DMK camp is poised for landslide victory it should not be taken for granted as third front and fourth front may bring down winning margin of votes and performances of alliance are always poor due to alleged poor coordination between DMK local units and allied parties. One cannot rule out fraudulent practices in elections that if poll officers are biased it could snatch away victory of legitimate winner. In previous elections, Radhapuram constituency returning poll officer illegally refused recounting of postal votes and alleged miscalculation of votes led to defeat of DMK by 49 votes. Case is still pending in Supreme Court. Similarly during 2019 parliament elections, there were too many confusion on counting of votes at last session with poll officer refusing to declare VCK leader Thol.Thirumavalavan’s victory for more than 6 hours. Election Commission’s controversial decision of allowing postal votes for senior citizens also raised eye brows from opposition parties as their total vote share is a huge 12 lakhs votes which can be break down to nearly 6,000 votes on each constituency. DMK leaders’ demand of installing electronic jammers at EVM storage rooms has been rejected by EC saying EVMs cannot be hacked!
Unpredictable and unproven track record of third front and fourth front is a force to reckon with.
Post-election becomes more crucial phase for Tamil Nadu politics especially in relations with threat of Sangh parivar foothold in Tamil Nadu. Threat of Sangh Parivar shall be summarised into effect on Muslims in politics/Muslim political parties, Making of Opposition and challenges to DMK’s rule.
- First brunt of Sangh parivar influence in Tamil Nadu politics will be directly bear by participation of Muslims in politics. It will get less number of seats and unknown pressures from many sides including within community ultimately leading to demise or irrelevance in politics. Muslim Parties are weakening at a time it is supposed to strengthen its presence.
For decades, Indian Union Muslim League was the only face of Muslim Politics in Tamil Nadu. Barring few times, it has always maintained strong alliance with DMK so much so that it is quipped as DMK’s unofficial minority wing. During turbulent 80s and 90s period, Dravidian parties failure to curb and League’s absence of resistance to growing Sangh Parivar extremism led to dissent leaders breaking away from IUML to form new political outfits. Out of these breakaway factions, TMMK emerged as biggest socio religious outfit outgrowing IUML strength. By 2009, TMMK formed political outfit Manithaneya Makkal Katchi (MMK) to contest elections. Prof. MH Jawahirullah spearheaded the political outfit. It too started as an ambitious party with stated aim of representing Muslim and other oppressed communities. It bolstered of support from majority Muslim community vote share to win dozen seats on its own and a deciding factor in twenty more seats. True to its claim it did commanded influential sway over Muslim community votes that it defeated DMK alliance in traditional Muslim community voters region and brought victory to its alliance partner AIADMK. Soon it faced rebellions, factionalism and breakaway groups’ weakening inside and outside of the party. Its breakaway group Manitheneya Jananayaga Katchi (MJK) contested against its parent body and won it whereas MMK lose all four seats it contested. The lone MLA from MJK, its leader and gifted orator Thameem Ansari gained more popularity among Muslim Youths and played important role in the assembly as AIADMK Government faced majority mark crisis and his lone vote become more valuable. He even negotiated cabinet berth for his support to AIADMK government but Sangh Parivar scripted fake scam recording played in national media led to downgrading of his popularity and his negotiating power curtailed. This time MJK did not get seats in any alliance and MJK decided to support DMK alliance. Similarly SDPI too started with similar ambitious objective built strong cadres than any other Muslim parties but faced stiff opposition and political animosity from all quarters so much so that it’s strongly built hundred thousand cadres and much more supporters never translated into votes. There are many other smaller outfits exists but not in a position to win any seats even with alliance of Dravidian Parties.
So far, no party able to achieve their electoral objective of ending dependency status of Parties of two to three seats parties with no negotiating power and winning on the mercy of Dravidian alliance. In reality, DMK’s, Congress’ stronghold regions are traditionally religious minority concentrated areas and their vote shares forms crucial factor for winning of these seats. This election where Muslim parties couldn’t contest under independent symbol and IUML lost seat bargaining power whatsoever has finally returned to where it all started. In this way, entry of AIMIM and its alliance with SDPI should be a welcome move but as usual it faced knee jerk reactions and oppositions from other Muslim political parties. Though Muslim parties built many joint forums and rainbow alliances for community specific and other issues, during elections it is failing mainly due to unsavoury targeting of each other and potential allies throughout the years. Apart from these inherently built problems, Muslim parties also face many perennial structural problems such as lack of support/access to mainstream media thus limited or no interaction with general public to articulate its politics.
Another major challenge facing Muslim parties are high level gerrymandering of Muslim regions a phenomenon all over India. . Places like Coimbatore, contiguous Muslim populated areas are divided into multiple constituencies. Even Panchayat wards were divided that one end of the street goes to another ward. It gives blame game excuse to candidates over deprivation of basic needs of people living in the region.
Muslim parties need to undergo major overhauling for its own survival.
The First goal is to end dependency status and create a strong hold region of its own by concentrated works on selective regions say 15-20 seats by forming alliance with similar political parties.
Second goal is to win perception war that Muslim parties committed for communal harmony and objectives of ending discrimination/community empowerment would always play an active role in building democratic polity whereas Sangh parivar will remain a party of communal riots instigators and need to be isolated for common good.
Third goal would be to focus on playing constructive opposition role questioning lack of accountability, transparency and socio economic policies of established parties shedding NGO type relief works politics.
- Making of Opposition: An alternative to Dravidian rule should be a better Dravidian rule that uphold social justice more vigorously than existing Dravidian parties. The real political vacuum in Tamil Nadu would be the upcoming Political Opposition forces. Sangh parivar exposed its more venomous face in opposition status than in ruling status. It will indulge in unprecedented terror attacks and will strive to hook Tamil Nadu politics in its agenda. Opposition politics can’t afford to be another establishment face or NGO politics rather it shall strive to restore dignity, rights and sovereignty of oppressed people. Such that established parties forced to prioritize/addressing the discrimination of oppressed community/ neglected regions. Tamil Nadu is already witnessing slow churning of anti establishment politics in mainstream with rainbow alliance of different ideological groups and parties but as temporary one issue/agenda alliance. It shall expand to permanent based and more coordinated one taking the space of primary opposition space such that it bring irrevocable political discourse that Sangh parivar is either forced to participate in it (it will expose utter failure of its past record and current central government) or as usual be isolated in Tamil Nadu politics.
- Example would be 1. It should not be a debate of increasing 100 days employment to 150 days under brutal conditions rather it would be change of ownership of estate, mines and factories from private/government partnership to workers/government partnership.
- It will not be a debate of increase of compensation for land take over rather it would be debate of protection and increase of ecological sensitive areas, transfer of sovereignty/profit sharing with Tribals/ forest dwellers, Fisher/ seas shore community, Farmers etc
- No more liberal economy yardstick of good governance through calculation of percentages (which gives good escape route, sustain and justify the brutal exploitative condition) in education, homelessness, water accessibility, nutrition intake, road coverage, drainage facilities etc rather all these duties of Government shall be reelevated/protected as BASIC RIGHTS through effective laws such as RIGHT to Home, RIGHT to Water etc and it will be crimes against humanity if people are deprived of it.
All these changes shall begin from most neglected regions such as Tribal/ Nomad Hamlets, Dalit Colonies, Muslim towns etc.
Countering Sangh Parivar extremism
Dravidian parties strong upholding of Tamil Identity forms a huge barrier of Sangh parivar entrance to Tamil Nadu. It is their strong attachment towards Reservation, Federalism, Language etc helps to maintain strong anti incumbency of BJP. Thus Tamil Nadu is better prepared to fight Sangh parivar than any other state.
Considering Sangh parivar’s unconstitutional, fascist attacks on State governments and Opposition Parties, DMK shall realize that unless it prepares for all out counter offensive it can’t “Keep Sangh parivar away from Dravidian land” for a long time. By next assembly elections, BJP could become main opposition party and achieve that prized status of irre vocable political force in Tamil Nadu.
With All India level tentacles of media, bureaucracy, Intellectual, civil society support, DMK should shift its goal post from Tamil Nadu to all the states of Indian Union. Any mass violence happens in north india would severely affect peace and reverberates in Tamil Nadu thus DMK along with other opposition forces should not leave any terror violence of sangh parivar unchecked. It should clamour for justice and end impunity of Sangh parivar violence.
First preparation should start from home.DMK can no longer afford to be the least available party to vote for rather it should strive hard to match up with its revolutionary Dravidian ideologies.
It shall vigorously taking forward Dravidian ideologies among youths and ends its huge gap between between its cadres/candidates performance and emancipation potential of Dravidian ideology. It should immediately prioritize working on neglected tribal hamlets, Dalit colonies, Muslim towns etc. In short it has to be extra ordinary governance so as to prepare for counter offensive.
Rather delegating opposition tasks to Congress, DMK shall directly take on Sangh parivar in following ways. BJP derives its fascist strength mainly on three fronts namely anti-federalism, anti reservation and monopoly of security policies.
DMK shall play an active role in mobilising all opposition parties on these fronts
- Countering anti-federalism
DMK shall rightly strive for clipping away/reducing all centre powers including constitutional status so that a free democratic governments shall function in States as desired by Dravidian federalism ideology.
- Complete Reservation on all sectors:
As BJP government deliberately changing public sectors to private sectors so as to end reservation, there shall be grand counter mobilization demanding complete reservation in all sectors including hitherto untouched sectors such as Private sectors, Judiciary, Cabinet secretaries, policy making councils, sports, defense etc. Taking 10 percent EWS reservation as a benefit in curse there shall be push for complete representative reservations say no less than 90 percent reservation.
- Even if Sangh parivar forces are defeated on all fronts, it bounces back immediately due to its monopolistic control over narratives on security and nationalism and feudal sentiment attached to it especially in northern states. This is the weapon that only Dravidian parties could take off. Indeed DMK, MDMK took initiative with limited available option against BJP’s destructive decision on Kashmir yet it failed with no impact whatsoever due to lack of media/civil society support. There should be no free hand to Sangh parivar on any fronts especially destructive security policies and every possible ways to question the merit of their security policies and war fronts shall be opened before it is permanently closed for ever.
Countering Sangh parivar’s plan of keeping DMK engaged with its propaganda, DMK shall mount all out counter offensive that sangh parivar remain preoccupied with that and ultimately get defeated thoroughly.It is not at all enough for DMK to be defensive rather it unleash counter offensive that can smash Nazi Sangh parivar once for all.
Umar Faruk is a research student and aspiring film maker based in Tamil Nadu.